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By Ljiliana Progovac

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Why isn't it then possible for the object to bind the reflexive by binding its trace? With XP reflexives, neither S-structure nor LFmovement bleeds binding possibilities: (74) (75) Which picture of himself^ does [IP Johni think [CP t [IP Peterj has seen t]]]? Whoi said that Billj wants Peterk to buy [which picture of himselfim]7 In sum, I will advocate an analysis of reflexives which both preserves the original and simple formulation of the Binding Principle A, and derives the differences between complex and simple reflexives from their morphological properties without stipulating LF movement.

Binding theory 17 The same type of LF head movement in Chinese, illustrated in A-not-A questions, does obey the relative clause island (see Huang (1982)): (73) *Ni zui xihuan ta mai-bu-mai de shu? , Chinese) than in languages with overt agreement? Furthermore, even though a reflexive may move outside of the c-command domain of an object, its trace will still be in the scope of the object. Why isn't it then possible for the object to bind the reflexive by binding its trace? With XP reflexives, neither S-structure nor LFmovement bleeds binding possibilities: (74) (75) Which picture of himself^ does [IP Johni think [CP t [IP Peterj has seen t]]]?

Distribution of polarity items This section describes the distribution of Serbian/Croatian NPIs and PPIs in negative contexts. There are two types of NPIs: NI-NPIs (beginning with the prefix ni) and I-NPIs (beginning with the prefix /). In the scope of negation, NI-NPIs and I-NPIs are in complementary distribution: while the former co-occur only with clausemate negation, the latter are licensed only by superordinate negation. 4 PPIs, on the other hand, are disallowed in the scope of a clausemate negation, but are licit elsewhere.

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